Rocky Top and the red state renaissance
Are Americans segregating over political ideology? And does this mean we will see more of those awful stories on how to handle political discussions at Thanksgiving? There is ample evidence of people pouring into more conservative regions. The 18 states generally viewed as the Sun Belt now consist of a little over half the nation’s population. The biggest influx – at least according to U-Haul – of residents moving to new states head for Florida, Texas, and the Carolinas. Virginia and Tennessee round out the top six.
Red states versus blue states sounds like one of those ancient narratives, at least compared to today’s short political news cycle. Of course, one of the biggest stories intertwined in that saga is a segment of Americans fleeing blue states for red states. Roger L. Simon, former CEO of PJ Media, tells his own story of saying farewell to Southern California for Nashville in “American Refugees: The Untold Story of the Mass Exodus from Blue States to Red States.”
An overarching theme of Simon’s work has been emerging from the shadows in the last few years. Most so-called refugees are not fleeing with their old state voting patterns in mind but are often rock-ribbed patriots looking to escape high taxes, overregulation, and a host of woke ideologies that fall under the cultural Marxist umbrella. The “Don’t California my Texas” slogan made popular during Greg Abbot’s last campaign for governor sounds good but may not be a particularly accurate assessment.
I’ve experienced this in my neighborhood in suburban North Carolina. Even most New Yorkers here are safely on the conservative spectrum and neighborhood spats tend to boil down when is the appropriate time to shoot your firearms. Although some New Yorkers demand target practice ends around dinner and inevitably some replies of “Go home Yankee” make their way onto the neighborhood app or the Facebook group. Of course, it’s more likely that new residents pouring into urban enclaves in red states are on the more progressive side. People tend to flock to like-minded groups, reflecting the culture and neighborhoods that surround them. Simon even concedes a little niavete for initially assuming Nashville would be a red haven reflecting most of Tennessee.
An additional theme Simon hits on is how many of his fellow refugees become dismayed by progressivism in their new locales. A frustration for some with kids tends to be the state of public or private schools in Nashville, whether it be teaching critical race theory, transgender ideology, or heavy-handed COVID policies. According to Simon, refugees are often dismayed when they leave one location to merely fight an identical battle elsewhere. Another frustration Simon voices is in-that bound activists have less patience for the slow pace of conservative reforms, particularly when the government is filled with Republicans. He notes that the conflict in Tennessee sometimes hinges on “conservative/libertarian refugees from blue states and the GOP establishment.”
But even local politics can lend itself to the slow pace of reform and Simon is sometimes down on Republicans in the establishment mold. Still, the author is right to suggest that battles and constructive changes happen at the local level. On one occasion he enlists “Rocky Top” a down-home and anonymous Tennessee political consultant to reinforce his point. The “Rocky Top” character is a likable political sage even though we are never given his identity.
Roger Simon: ‘Which is worse? State or national politics?”
Rocky Top: “National. At least locally we know our limitations and adjust expectations accordingly.”
In another conversation with “Rocky Top,” Simon wonders himself if “a new, more extreme, detailed, and negotiated form of federalism is the answer? If so, could it be achieved?” He never spells out exactly what that means but hints that all the people still on the move are an encouraging sign for realigning our proper structures of government or at least reigniting a culture of self government.
A few observations that Simon might have considered more in his account are the economic opportunities that have exploded in the Sun Belt over the last several decades. A closer look at some of the policies that have helped this come about might offer additional light on his lively but more personalized narrative detailing his own move.
Of course, the reverse Great and Sun Belt migration occurring are bringing a lot of black Americans back to the South. They tend to not be refugees for any sort of political reasons that Simon champions but are benefitting from a lower cost of living and economic opportunity, too. Plenty of other Americans are motivated solely by the cost of living instead of any political considerations. Most natives leaving Hawaii for the Mainland because of the high cost of living are not enraged over the politics in the islands. It’s just no longer sustainable to buy a house or raise a family anymore. The vast majority of people moving across the country aren’t activists or arguing all day on social media about politics.
While people have a myriad of reasons for uprooting from their homes, it’s fair to say society is much more politicized now — something progressives applaud by the way. Given that, this type of political relocation is likely to continue in the future. Some progressives believe climate change will cause another mass migration back to the Northeast and the Great Lakes region.
Refugees — or however you want to define them — are looking for their tribes and a sense of home. Many are returning to places where grandparents or earlier descendants lived. And if people are indeed voting with their feet, they should be encouraged and applauded in their endeavors. That this occurrence may be the least complex way to keep this nation together and thriving points to the genius of the design of our Founding Fathers. Still, the question remains: will the progressive impulse and a power-hungry federal government allow it to be a viable solution for many of today’s political divisions?
Ray Nothstine is the future of freedom fellow and a senior editor and writer at State Policy Network. He edits American Habits.
